War is often fought with guns, blades and explosives; and sometimes with hands and fists. There even is war that is fought with words, and for the time being, that is the war the Republic of Tanzania is engaging Malawi in. For a body of water that is called Lake Malawi, Tanzanians are persuading the world to believe part of it is Lake Tanzania – or anything near that. They could be right.
Now they are on a far-reaching campaign to send shivers down the spines of Malawians. Within the twinkling of some divine eye, the Tanzanian government has engaged its defence force, and the soldiers seem perfectly ready to wage physical war on us. That really seems unimaginable, but that is the news in the media.
And in The Warm Heart of Africa, rumours of war are rife. The elderly are caught up in a web of fear and disillusionment; the younger generation seems to take everything for granted. Nevertheless, the writing is clear on the wall and our northern neighbours are willing to strike us at an opportune time which they are calling an eventuality.
The idea of waging physical war against your neighbour can never be a viable option in the modern world; neither can the rushed declaration of such an idea be applauded. At least, war in other countries has taught the world how ugly it is to lack peace. Yet, there are those who think otherwise.
Well, the Tanzanian government is relying on an international provision that states that where two countries are separated by a body of water, then the boundary will be in the middle of the body of water such that the two countries automatically share the body of water in two equal halves.
On the other hand, Malawi is arguing that according to different treaties some of which were even upheld by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 and the African Union in 2002 and 2007, the ownership of the lake is clearly on Malawi. I am not qualified to judge who is right or wrong; but I am qualified to express my opinion on the threats and rumours of war.
I am not intended to deride the Tanzanian government for arguing they have a share of the coveted lake – even though I would be clearly justified to do so; but I am shocked at such stark lack of diplomacy in Tanzanian authorities. I am puzzled with how within a few days, the Tanzanian Defence Force (they call it the Tanzanian People’s Defence Force) supported by Tanzanian government authorities, have gone to town telling their citizens – and, of course, the whole world – that they are ready to attack Malawi should the oil and gas exploration project continue.
It really beats any sound mind why government authorities who are supposed to be the first to advocate for peace and tranquillity should rush to issue war threats on their neighbours. This should automatically question their character and potential. I am not a Tanzanian myself, but I believe such utterances of war by Tanzanian authorities smack of lack of diplomacy and sheer carelessness.
War is not something that you go around town proclaiming you will start at any opportune time. And the most pathetic thing about war is that the masses – the people who are most affected – are never given a chance to decide if their country should engage in it or not. Even some very Tanzanian writers have condemned their government’s war threats, arguing such acts lack maturity and diplomacy.
At any cost, countries must prevent wars, and in no way can one be striving to prevent war and be preparing for it at the same time. Yet, this is what the Tanzanian government through its military base is doing. They are ready to strike, and one really should be justified to wonder whether what they want is diplomatic talks or war.
Some Tanzanian high-ranking military officer said something about the war Tanzania fought with Uganda, perhaps to implicitly inform Malawi that the Tanzanian Defence Force is far beyond them when it comes to war. We know that Tanzania won the war – whatever that means – but we will forever state that Malawi is not ready to go to war with any country, let alone our northern neighbours.
We will not let our peace be shattered by anyone because as a country and as a people, we have never thought or believed war would solve world problems at any time. We have always reminded ourselves that the cost of war is much greater than its victory. In fact, there is no victory in war, unless it never starts at all. You can never be a victor when your hands are stained with human blood. What shameless victory!
I am not writing this as Malawi government’s spokesperson; rather, I am doing so as a peace-loving Malawian who would like my countrymen to live in peace. I have not physically experienced any war, but for times without number, I have seen the agony of war on countries like Sudan, Angola, Somalia and even Mozambique where the aftermaths of the civil war continue ravaging people’s lives.
It takes decades if not centuries for countries to recover from w
Sunday, August 12, 2012
Thursday, July 26, 2012
Inpirational Quotes For Today
There is no greater coward than he who can’t stand up for his own rights
There are risks in entrepreneurship, yes, but where are there no risks? After all, the sweetest triumph is that which seemed most impossible
Human freedom is the essence of universal explorations
The unborn child has the same rights as any other human being. There is no living thing that at one point in time wasn’t living
We may triumph over our enemies, but if we don’t change them into our friends, they are the ultimate victors
It makes little sense to salute a speeding general
It is better to lose everything than to gain nothing. At least, history will have a referent point
We should constantly seek to obey the rhythm of nature because its progress isn’t easily given to human wishes
I have never been more convinced in my life than when thought I wasn’t really failing, but rather, I was using a wrong method
I believe that as a people, we should reject any establishment – be it social, moral, religious, intellectual or even cultural – that stands in our way to discovery, creativity and innovation
Hidden values seldom impress
Success is a set-apart, existent phenomenon. There are impediments that must be parried so that we reach our destination
We cannot buy ourselves salvation by sympathizing with our welfare
There are risks in entrepreneurship, yes, but where are there no risks? After all, the sweetest triumph is that which seemed most impossible
Human freedom is the essence of universal explorations
The unborn child has the same rights as any other human being. There is no living thing that at one point in time wasn’t living
We may triumph over our enemies, but if we don’t change them into our friends, they are the ultimate victors
It makes little sense to salute a speeding general
It is better to lose everything than to gain nothing. At least, history will have a referent point
We should constantly seek to obey the rhythm of nature because its progress isn’t easily given to human wishes
I have never been more convinced in my life than when thought I wasn’t really failing, but rather, I was using a wrong method
I believe that as a people, we should reject any establishment – be it social, moral, religious, intellectual or even cultural – that stands in our way to discovery, creativity and innovation
Hidden values seldom impress
Success is a set-apart, existent phenomenon. There are impediments that must be parried so that we reach our destination
We cannot buy ourselves salvation by sympathizing with our welfare
Friday, June 22, 2012
A World We Won't Find
Everywhere in the world, one of the most prevalent political campaign promises remains the creation of massive job opportunities so that citizens, especially the youth, put their acquired skills to evident practice, and, of course, earn something. Such a campaign strategy seems to be a hot bait that easily puts political candidates in the centre of public attention. Yet, we seldom take to task our political leaders who fail to fulfil their campaign promises. Such a tendency is deeply entrenched in our society and it leaves political leaders more unconcerned and disinterested.
Perhaps, the question which we should ask ourselves is: are we really sure that the creation of massive job opportunities is a viable option that politicians should have to ease the tragedy of unemployment? It seems we are gradually gliding towards a world where ‘formal unemployment’ will establish itself in our midst. Thus, only those who are eager to engage into self-employment will explore perfect avenues of sustaining or consolidating their socio-economic statuses.
The last time I checked, the majority of the youths who are in institutions of higher learning expect to get some form of formal employment at the end of their training. Yet, it is becoming clear that such a world, where everyone who goes through formal education gets formal employment, will be hard to find. We are living in a fluid world; a world where survival is slowly turning to be something that will only favour the fittest. It is a world where everyone will be responsible for their own survival. Hard times are in the offing.
Speaking to some university students who gathered at Chancellor College in Zomba during a conference organised by the National Scholar Association, Managing Director for Business Consult Africa Henry Kachaje was quick to warn the students that they are eagerly waiting to explore a world they won’t find. Essentially, he was telling the students that they should develop an entrepreneurship spirit because they might be shocked to find that formal employment in the corporate world is like gold dust.
He gave an example of when he was in college about two decades ago. He worked with a certain firm on attachments where he saw four employees being replaced by one computer. That was about two decades ago, and obviously with the supersonic speed at which technological development is taking place, tomorrow a computer will be able to replace fifty people. Such is a world we will surely find. We are very unlikely to find a world where companies and organisations will be increasing the number of employees. To the contrary, while companies and organisations will be increasing their productivity, human resources will be slowly becoming less desirable.
It is only fair that our attitudes on employment be formatted. Political campaigners may promise that they will create numerous job opportunities, but we need to be mindful that the opportunities might simply slip from humans to machines. This is an inevitable phenomenon because we are living in a society where machines are at the centre of development.
One significant thing that we need to be aware of is that every company or organisation’s desire is to make profits and therefore remain in business. In the same line, companies and organisations will always try their utmost to ensure their expenditures are minimal. And if a computer can come in to assist, is there a company or organisation that will reject it? Of course, there are instances where a human being might be more preferable than a computer, but these too are very minimal.
Perhaps, political campaigners should be taken seriously where they promise to provide loans for those who want to engage in entrepreneurship. We can create a world of entrepreneurship where socio-economic reforms at individual level can be achieved. This seems the only perfect alternative to formal employment which is slowly drifting away like mist.
It is always true that government has a significant role to create the conditions that are essential for the promotion of entrepreneurship at the level of an individual, but we cannot pass over the fact that at the centre of governments are political figures that seldom have our welfare at heart. At the very core of policies that can improve the welfare of citizens are the national middle-class whose sole intention is to either enrich themselves or consolidate their economic positions. Thus, it becomes difficult to rely on politicians as far as entrepreneurship is concerned.
We will not find a world where politicians have the capacity to lay aside their personal interests to aid the unemployed. A world where all citizens have access to the little government-processed loans – regardless of one’s political affiliations – will be hard to find. If we don’t put into place proper strategies that will make us self-reliant, we are likely to continue wallowing in the deep recesses of abject poverty.
We may sit down and wait for opportunities to come our way, but such an attitude will take us a step backwards for those who wait for opportunities are most likely to be losing the little opportunity they had. Just like Carrie Wilkerson once said, “the longer you are not taking action, the more money you are losing.”
Entrepreneurship takes a lot of sacrifice, thus those who desire to beat unemployment by becoming entrepreneurs must not give up because of a single hiccup. After all, the sweetest triumph is that which seemed most impossible. And, a world where formal employment will easily flow like a river won’t be found. Such a world is an impossible creation in the midst of the massive and rapid technological development that is taking place.
Perhaps, the question which we should ask ourselves is: are we really sure that the creation of massive job opportunities is a viable option that politicians should have to ease the tragedy of unemployment? It seems we are gradually gliding towards a world where ‘formal unemployment’ will establish itself in our midst. Thus, only those who are eager to engage into self-employment will explore perfect avenues of sustaining or consolidating their socio-economic statuses.
The last time I checked, the majority of the youths who are in institutions of higher learning expect to get some form of formal employment at the end of their training. Yet, it is becoming clear that such a world, where everyone who goes through formal education gets formal employment, will be hard to find. We are living in a fluid world; a world where survival is slowly turning to be something that will only favour the fittest. It is a world where everyone will be responsible for their own survival. Hard times are in the offing.
Speaking to some university students who gathered at Chancellor College in Zomba during a conference organised by the National Scholar Association, Managing Director for Business Consult Africa Henry Kachaje was quick to warn the students that they are eagerly waiting to explore a world they won’t find. Essentially, he was telling the students that they should develop an entrepreneurship spirit because they might be shocked to find that formal employment in the corporate world is like gold dust.
He gave an example of when he was in college about two decades ago. He worked with a certain firm on attachments where he saw four employees being replaced by one computer. That was about two decades ago, and obviously with the supersonic speed at which technological development is taking place, tomorrow a computer will be able to replace fifty people. Such is a world we will surely find. We are very unlikely to find a world where companies and organisations will be increasing the number of employees. To the contrary, while companies and organisations will be increasing their productivity, human resources will be slowly becoming less desirable.
It is only fair that our attitudes on employment be formatted. Political campaigners may promise that they will create numerous job opportunities, but we need to be mindful that the opportunities might simply slip from humans to machines. This is an inevitable phenomenon because we are living in a society where machines are at the centre of development.
One significant thing that we need to be aware of is that every company or organisation’s desire is to make profits and therefore remain in business. In the same line, companies and organisations will always try their utmost to ensure their expenditures are minimal. And if a computer can come in to assist, is there a company or organisation that will reject it? Of course, there are instances where a human being might be more preferable than a computer, but these too are very minimal.
Perhaps, political campaigners should be taken seriously where they promise to provide loans for those who want to engage in entrepreneurship. We can create a world of entrepreneurship where socio-economic reforms at individual level can be achieved. This seems the only perfect alternative to formal employment which is slowly drifting away like mist.
It is always true that government has a significant role to create the conditions that are essential for the promotion of entrepreneurship at the level of an individual, but we cannot pass over the fact that at the centre of governments are political figures that seldom have our welfare at heart. At the very core of policies that can improve the welfare of citizens are the national middle-class whose sole intention is to either enrich themselves or consolidate their economic positions. Thus, it becomes difficult to rely on politicians as far as entrepreneurship is concerned.
We will not find a world where politicians have the capacity to lay aside their personal interests to aid the unemployed. A world where all citizens have access to the little government-processed loans – regardless of one’s political affiliations – will be hard to find. If we don’t put into place proper strategies that will make us self-reliant, we are likely to continue wallowing in the deep recesses of abject poverty.
We may sit down and wait for opportunities to come our way, but such an attitude will take us a step backwards for those who wait for opportunities are most likely to be losing the little opportunity they had. Just like Carrie Wilkerson once said, “the longer you are not taking action, the more money you are losing.”
Entrepreneurship takes a lot of sacrifice, thus those who desire to beat unemployment by becoming entrepreneurs must not give up because of a single hiccup. After all, the sweetest triumph is that which seemed most impossible. And, a world where formal employment will easily flow like a river won’t be found. Such a world is an impossible creation in the midst of the massive and rapid technological development that is taking place.
Friday, May 18, 2012
The Biggest Betrayer
The last time I spoke to Atupele Muluzi and Henry Phoya was in July last year. I was working on a feature in which I intended to compare their visions for Malawi – if at all they had any – and whether they saw themselves standing in the 2014 presidential elections. With the young Muluzi, it was already clear that he was willing to stand, while Phoya had not come out to give his views on whether he would stand or not.
My attention was immediately drawn to the 20 July demonstrations because they stole a good chunk of publicity. I postponed my assignment on the two politicians and informed them I would be back, something I never did.
Then just at the beginning of last month, I decided to resuscitate my assignment. I was more interested now than ever before because Muluzi had come up with his ‘agenda for change’ while Phoya seemed to have hibernated into a slumber after joining the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Again, fate overtook my project and I found myself concentrating on the death of President Bingu wa Mutharika and the events that were likely to follow.
Of course, Mutharika’s death brought me to thinking that Atupele’s visions suddenly became blurred since his main aim was to change ‘anomalies’ that were being committed by the Mutharika administration. I however, was hopeful that there were some more important things that the young Muluzi would want to pursue within his ‘agenda for change’.
But, I was shocked to the core when I learnt that Atupele had accepted to be included in the new cabinet. He is now Minister of Economic Planning and, politically, that doesn’t seem fair enough to his supporters. I have to be honest, being one of the youths who are struggling to find employment these days, I liked Atupele’s vision of creating numerous job opportunities.
And with his joining government, I have seen in him the greatest betrayer of our time. I don’t know what Atupele and President Joyce Banda agreed, but I should think most people especially the youth of this country feel terribly betrayed. We banked our hopes on him such that we would even generously vote for him come 2014, but now we feel like we don’t have a clear direction.
Of course, he is saying that he still remains a member of United Democratic Front (UDF), but it seems rather hard to imagine that he would be able to campaign freely against a government he belongs to. One thing that is clear about politics everywhere in the world is that new candidates often capitalise on the mistakes made by the current power holders to replace them. Will Atupele capitalise on JB’s mistakes now that she is his boss?
Well, he may choose to resign from his ministerial position as elections close nigh, but will his supporters understand him? After all, he recently said that his aim was to see things change in Malawi, and now that fate chose to change things, he was fine with that. He informed us that he wasn’t after presidency; rather, he was after change.
Personally, I haven’t attended any of Atupele’s political rallies, but on a number of occasions, I have been reliably informed about how large the crowds were. I was told his rallies attracted more people than Mutharika’s, and that is where one wonders why the young Muluzi has been easily drawn into submission when two years were just two little for a man with a vision.
Atupele seemed to be the favourite among many aspiring presidential candidates because of his clean record in politics. The last time I checked, the young Muluzi hasn’t had any patch on his political career. It is only his decision to accept a ministerial position that seems to have somehow tainted his political image, but let’s hope even that will be rectified the soonest; otherwise, for the time being, we remain feeling betrayed.
As for Phoya, it is hard to accuse him of having betrayed us because he never came in the open that he was aspiring for presidency come 2014. Of course, he was one of the youths’ favourites, but a decision to compete in the presidential elections solely remained his.
My attention was immediately drawn to the 20 July demonstrations because they stole a good chunk of publicity. I postponed my assignment on the two politicians and informed them I would be back, something I never did.
Then just at the beginning of last month, I decided to resuscitate my assignment. I was more interested now than ever before because Muluzi had come up with his ‘agenda for change’ while Phoya seemed to have hibernated into a slumber after joining the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Again, fate overtook my project and I found myself concentrating on the death of President Bingu wa Mutharika and the events that were likely to follow.
Of course, Mutharika’s death brought me to thinking that Atupele’s visions suddenly became blurred since his main aim was to change ‘anomalies’ that were being committed by the Mutharika administration. I however, was hopeful that there were some more important things that the young Muluzi would want to pursue within his ‘agenda for change’.
But, I was shocked to the core when I learnt that Atupele had accepted to be included in the new cabinet. He is now Minister of Economic Planning and, politically, that doesn’t seem fair enough to his supporters. I have to be honest, being one of the youths who are struggling to find employment these days, I liked Atupele’s vision of creating numerous job opportunities.
And with his joining government, I have seen in him the greatest betrayer of our time. I don’t know what Atupele and President Joyce Banda agreed, but I should think most people especially the youth of this country feel terribly betrayed. We banked our hopes on him such that we would even generously vote for him come 2014, but now we feel like we don’t have a clear direction.
Of course, he is saying that he still remains a member of United Democratic Front (UDF), but it seems rather hard to imagine that he would be able to campaign freely against a government he belongs to. One thing that is clear about politics everywhere in the world is that new candidates often capitalise on the mistakes made by the current power holders to replace them. Will Atupele capitalise on JB’s mistakes now that she is his boss?
Well, he may choose to resign from his ministerial position as elections close nigh, but will his supporters understand him? After all, he recently said that his aim was to see things change in Malawi, and now that fate chose to change things, he was fine with that. He informed us that he wasn’t after presidency; rather, he was after change.
Personally, I haven’t attended any of Atupele’s political rallies, but on a number of occasions, I have been reliably informed about how large the crowds were. I was told his rallies attracted more people than Mutharika’s, and that is where one wonders why the young Muluzi has been easily drawn into submission when two years were just two little for a man with a vision.
Atupele seemed to be the favourite among many aspiring presidential candidates because of his clean record in politics. The last time I checked, the young Muluzi hasn’t had any patch on his political career. It is only his decision to accept a ministerial position that seems to have somehow tainted his political image, but let’s hope even that will be rectified the soonest; otherwise, for the time being, we remain feeling betrayed.
As for Phoya, it is hard to accuse him of having betrayed us because he never came in the open that he was aspiring for presidency come 2014. Of course, he was one of the youths’ favourites, but a decision to compete in the presidential elections solely remained his.
The Morality of Medical Workers' Strikes
For patients whose lives are hanging on a thread, it makes sense to see a medical worker’s strike as the most evil thing man can ever do; and to the medical worker who is not satisfied with his working conditions and remunerations, it seems there is justification, on his part, that an industrial action is the ultimate undertaking that can compel his employees to consider his plight. Yet, oftentimes, the question of whose plight matters most – that of the patient or that of the medical worker – has never been fully answered
Job satisfaction is one thing that every individual must make every effort to attain in order to work competently and with ultimate allegiance. It basically means taking pleasure in one’s particular profession. Nevertheless, sometimes individuals can find themselves taking certain jobs because they are the ones which have been tendered to them. And in other situations, some professions, like those in the medical field, are pursued for the sake of others.
Notwithstanding the fact that some medical workers may opt for the career because of being concerned with lives of people who become sick and need medical attention, it should be acknowledged that they, too, are human resources and need, therefore to be treated as such.
They too, have their individual needs as any other employee and need not be exempted as long as the welfare of workers in general is concerned. But these professionals have more often than not found themselves on the receiving end of a great deal of criticism once they stage a strike.
Now, a story is going around town that workers at Kamuzu Central Hospital (KIA) in Lilongwe are planning to go on strike in an attempt to force their employers to consider adjusting the allowances they get when they work out of the normal hours. As expected, there is a debate in social media and other online sites on whether or not the medical workers are justified in their threats.
Writing in the Wits Medical Journal of South Africa, Amanda Stuart points out that “strikes by medical workers are supposed to be carried out once all achievable measures of reconciliation have been exhausted and have failed to reach a compromise.” In the case of the KCH scenario, sources indicate the authorities are not doing enough that can promise light at the end of the tunnel. But still, the question remains: should medical workers go on strike?
Indeed it may sound ridiculous to expect a saviour of life to be comfortable in harsh living conditions and or with little pay. In fact, it is true that only a happy healthcare worker will execute their duty with the ultimate dedication. And, of course, it has already been reported that the welfare of medical personnel is very pathetic now as compared to how it was in the 80’s. But is strike the best option?
“For example, one nurse or midwife has to look after 70 plus babies the whole night and at the end he/she becomes very exhausted,” argued one member of the Nurses and Midwifery Association sometime back.
In this case, there is temptation to believe that the only logical conclusion should be that such people are rewarded handsomely, and if they stage industrial actions to protest against their meagre rewards, it is just indispensable. After all, freedom of association is guaranteed by the constitution and the labour code allows medical workers to form unions which address their problems. Therefore, since they are not barred from forming unions, then they may have the right to stage industrial actions where they feel their needs are not being satisfied.
It is quite true that in Malawi, medical personnel do not receive their pays deservedly. That is why most of them leave the country for greener pastures after graduating. And those who stay argue that they do so just for the sake of their country and therefore, need to have their welfare duly taken care of.
In essence, no one can deny that medical workers are human beings as well and need to be heard in whatever effective way. Those who support ‘medical strikes’ usually argue that those who argue that it is not ethical for medical personnel to go on strikes ignore that by the mere fact that medical personnel are concerned with the welfare of patients, it means their welfare, too, should be put under consideration.
Yet, there are others who still argue that strikes by medical personnel undermine the rights of patients to healthcare and the duties of medical personnel to protect life. Nevertheless, the proponents still bring forward the argument that these two aspects will always work side by side, since it is only a satisfied worker who will work to the greatest of his ability. The medical workers usually maintain that until other practical options through which their grievances against their employers can be addressed are discovered, they cannot stop striking.
Maybe it is true that for a physician or a nurse to reach the decision of staging a strike is not easy. It could indeed be months, or even years of poor remunerations and working environment which drive them to this last option. They might indeed not necessarily be abandoning their patients, but rather advocating for an environment that will ultimately benefit the patients themselves and improve the whole healthcare system.
Traditionally, medical workers slave away for many years in medical or nursing schools and they, therefore would be justified not to be satisfied with little pay or appreciation. Perhaps, indeed these professionals should not just watch if their professional services and benevolence are being abused in the name of vocational ethics. But, is strike the best option?
While previously, the health profession was being considered a vocation very sensitive to human life, it appears that view has now been challenged. Many experiences vindicate this. Yet, it still stands that the duty and responsibility to protect human life is among the first in the hierarchy of values.
In his paper titled “Medicos’ Strike: Relevant Issues” which appeared in the Radical Journal of Health some years back, Jesani Amar observes: “Every time health workers go on strike, a battle is waged not only between strikers and their managements, but also between the right to strike and the ethics of not doing so. The latter battle appears to be important, for it raises some controversial issues.”
He further points out that “one must strive to exercise one’s rights while being sensitive to the ethical issues involved in the methods of struggle. Such sensitivity will help health workers be resolute in providing alternative care to patients during a strike. It will also help them further radicalize their struggle by moving from a strike (no patient care) to hospital occupancy (continued patient care under self-management).”
Amar doesn’t seem to completely reject the option of strikes; rather he advocates for a situation where the medical workers will still respond to their patients’ needs without the formal process recognised by management.
Before we begin the vilify medical workers for staging strikes, we should understand that they play the role of delivery of primary health care and improve our health and well-beings, and therefore need to be properly taken care of. We also have to consider the fact that they have the right to express discontentment and protect themselves from unfair treatment and exploitation.
But still more, this right is limited by their responsibility to save life and promote the health of citizens as stipulated by the medical profession’s code of conduct which every medical worker is supposed to adhere to.
Of course, the constitution of Malawi recognizes that workers should be fairly rewarded and provides for industrial actions, but the legal provisions do not necessarily imply that it is ethical in every circumstance. And in the case of medical workers, a patient’s right to life must be given priority since the main responsibility of medical workers is to save life at whatever cost. The right to life currently supersedes all other rights. So – or so it seems – any struggle undertaken by medical personnel that violates the rights of the patient is unethical even though it may not be illegal.
On rather a very formal note, most medical and nursing schools administer some form of moral oath; it may not be the Hippocratic Oath, but the application and the implication are the same: to try one’s utmost to save life.
Some of the main aims of the oaths taken by medical workers are: to teach them that their job requires that they practise and prescribe to the best of their ability for the good of their patients, and to try to avoid harming them. This beneficial intention is the purpose of the medical workers even though it may not apply across the board.
They are also required to avoid violating the morals of their community. Many licensing agencies will revoke a physician’s license for offending the morals of the community which is called moral turpitude. However, in Malawi, this phenomenon appears to be only theoretical.
Medical workers also have to keep the good of the patient as the highest priority. “There may be other conflicting ‘good purposes,’ such as community welfare, conserving economic resources, supporting the criminal justice system, or simply making money for the medical worker or his employer that provide recurring challenges to physicians, but whatever the case, life has to be prioritized,” says the oath.
It adds that “they are also required to fulfil, to the best of their ability and judgment, this covenant: that they will respect the hard-won scientific gains of those physicians in whose steps they walk, and gladly share such knowledge as is theirs with those who are to follow; and that they will apply, for the benefit of the sick, all measures that are required, avoiding those twin traps of over-treatment and therapeutic nihilism.” This declaration points towards the sovereignty of human life.
Perhaps the most compelling part of the oath is that which stipulates that “medical workers are also required to remember that there is art to medicine as well as science, and that warmth, sympathy, and understanding may outweigh the surgeon’s knife or the chemist’s drug. Most especially, they are supposed to tread with care in matters of life and death. If it is given to them to save a life, all thanks.”
Maybe, this is where any strike by medical workers is always met with a great deal of criticism from the public, because the strike defeats the provision that medical workers need not to do anything that may become detrimental to the welfare of their patients.
The oath goes on to say that if they (the medical workers) do not breach these requirements by avoiding unconstructive actions, likes strikes, “they may take pleasure in life and art, respected while they live and be remembered with affection afterwards.” But if they go on strike, therefore, it is against the statements of a moral of conduct which is supposed to be used by them all, assuming the respect for all human life, even unborn.
Additionally, according to anthropologist Margaret Mead who lived between 1901 and 1979 and whose views are still held to date, there is supposed to be a complete separation between killing and curing. She points out that throughout the primitive world, he who had the power to kill also had the power to cure. He who had the power to cure would necessarily also be able to kill.
Healthcare workers were to be dedicated completely to life under all circumstances, regardless of rank, age or intellect – the life of a slave, the life of the Emperor, the life of a foreign man, the life of a defective child and the life of everyone. This excluded circumstances; if one was employed to cure, nothing would divert their responsibility. Thus, a strike would always seem impossible.
Such is the sovereignty accorded to human life, such that it may not be wrong to conclude that an industrial action, whichever form it may take and wherever it may stem from, is unethical and should not be staged by medical workers, whatever the case.
In fact, in its revised edition of the Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct, “which shall be observed, mutatis mutandis, by all medical practitioners, dentists, paramedicals and allied health professionals practicing in Malawi”, the Medical Council of Malawi points out that every practitioner shall respect all aspects of human life, and shall do all that can reasonably be done to safeguard and improve the quality of human life, and shall not do anything which may cause suffering or terminate life. Thus, strikes by medical workers seem unethical even though they may not be illegal.
If at all they have to protest, then they must undertake a non-detrimental action that at no time separates them from their patients. In fact, such an action has the power to further radicalize their struggle where the medical workers continue to take care of their patients under self-management. It can be a soul-searching experience for the employers who will not hesitate to respond to the demands of the medical workers.
Job satisfaction is one thing that every individual must make every effort to attain in order to work competently and with ultimate allegiance. It basically means taking pleasure in one’s particular profession. Nevertheless, sometimes individuals can find themselves taking certain jobs because they are the ones which have been tendered to them. And in other situations, some professions, like those in the medical field, are pursued for the sake of others.
Notwithstanding the fact that some medical workers may opt for the career because of being concerned with lives of people who become sick and need medical attention, it should be acknowledged that they, too, are human resources and need, therefore to be treated as such.
They too, have their individual needs as any other employee and need not be exempted as long as the welfare of workers in general is concerned. But these professionals have more often than not found themselves on the receiving end of a great deal of criticism once they stage a strike.
Now, a story is going around town that workers at Kamuzu Central Hospital (KIA) in Lilongwe are planning to go on strike in an attempt to force their employers to consider adjusting the allowances they get when they work out of the normal hours. As expected, there is a debate in social media and other online sites on whether or not the medical workers are justified in their threats.
Writing in the Wits Medical Journal of South Africa, Amanda Stuart points out that “strikes by medical workers are supposed to be carried out once all achievable measures of reconciliation have been exhausted and have failed to reach a compromise.” In the case of the KCH scenario, sources indicate the authorities are not doing enough that can promise light at the end of the tunnel. But still, the question remains: should medical workers go on strike?
Indeed it may sound ridiculous to expect a saviour of life to be comfortable in harsh living conditions and or with little pay. In fact, it is true that only a happy healthcare worker will execute their duty with the ultimate dedication. And, of course, it has already been reported that the welfare of medical personnel is very pathetic now as compared to how it was in the 80’s. But is strike the best option?
“For example, one nurse or midwife has to look after 70 plus babies the whole night and at the end he/she becomes very exhausted,” argued one member of the Nurses and Midwifery Association sometime back.
In this case, there is temptation to believe that the only logical conclusion should be that such people are rewarded handsomely, and if they stage industrial actions to protest against their meagre rewards, it is just indispensable. After all, freedom of association is guaranteed by the constitution and the labour code allows medical workers to form unions which address their problems. Therefore, since they are not barred from forming unions, then they may have the right to stage industrial actions where they feel their needs are not being satisfied.
It is quite true that in Malawi, medical personnel do not receive their pays deservedly. That is why most of them leave the country for greener pastures after graduating. And those who stay argue that they do so just for the sake of their country and therefore, need to have their welfare duly taken care of.
In essence, no one can deny that medical workers are human beings as well and need to be heard in whatever effective way. Those who support ‘medical strikes’ usually argue that those who argue that it is not ethical for medical personnel to go on strikes ignore that by the mere fact that medical personnel are concerned with the welfare of patients, it means their welfare, too, should be put under consideration.
Yet, there are others who still argue that strikes by medical personnel undermine the rights of patients to healthcare and the duties of medical personnel to protect life. Nevertheless, the proponents still bring forward the argument that these two aspects will always work side by side, since it is only a satisfied worker who will work to the greatest of his ability. The medical workers usually maintain that until other practical options through which their grievances against their employers can be addressed are discovered, they cannot stop striking.
Maybe it is true that for a physician or a nurse to reach the decision of staging a strike is not easy. It could indeed be months, or even years of poor remunerations and working environment which drive them to this last option. They might indeed not necessarily be abandoning their patients, but rather advocating for an environment that will ultimately benefit the patients themselves and improve the whole healthcare system.
Traditionally, medical workers slave away for many years in medical or nursing schools and they, therefore would be justified not to be satisfied with little pay or appreciation. Perhaps, indeed these professionals should not just watch if their professional services and benevolence are being abused in the name of vocational ethics. But, is strike the best option?
While previously, the health profession was being considered a vocation very sensitive to human life, it appears that view has now been challenged. Many experiences vindicate this. Yet, it still stands that the duty and responsibility to protect human life is among the first in the hierarchy of values.
In his paper titled “Medicos’ Strike: Relevant Issues” which appeared in the Radical Journal of Health some years back, Jesani Amar observes: “Every time health workers go on strike, a battle is waged not only between strikers and their managements, but also between the right to strike and the ethics of not doing so. The latter battle appears to be important, for it raises some controversial issues.”
He further points out that “one must strive to exercise one’s rights while being sensitive to the ethical issues involved in the methods of struggle. Such sensitivity will help health workers be resolute in providing alternative care to patients during a strike. It will also help them further radicalize their struggle by moving from a strike (no patient care) to hospital occupancy (continued patient care under self-management).”
Amar doesn’t seem to completely reject the option of strikes; rather he advocates for a situation where the medical workers will still respond to their patients’ needs without the formal process recognised by management.
Before we begin the vilify medical workers for staging strikes, we should understand that they play the role of delivery of primary health care and improve our health and well-beings, and therefore need to be properly taken care of. We also have to consider the fact that they have the right to express discontentment and protect themselves from unfair treatment and exploitation.
But still more, this right is limited by their responsibility to save life and promote the health of citizens as stipulated by the medical profession’s code of conduct which every medical worker is supposed to adhere to.
Of course, the constitution of Malawi recognizes that workers should be fairly rewarded and provides for industrial actions, but the legal provisions do not necessarily imply that it is ethical in every circumstance. And in the case of medical workers, a patient’s right to life must be given priority since the main responsibility of medical workers is to save life at whatever cost. The right to life currently supersedes all other rights. So – or so it seems – any struggle undertaken by medical personnel that violates the rights of the patient is unethical even though it may not be illegal.
On rather a very formal note, most medical and nursing schools administer some form of moral oath; it may not be the Hippocratic Oath, but the application and the implication are the same: to try one’s utmost to save life.
Some of the main aims of the oaths taken by medical workers are: to teach them that their job requires that they practise and prescribe to the best of their ability for the good of their patients, and to try to avoid harming them. This beneficial intention is the purpose of the medical workers even though it may not apply across the board.
They are also required to avoid violating the morals of their community. Many licensing agencies will revoke a physician’s license for offending the morals of the community which is called moral turpitude. However, in Malawi, this phenomenon appears to be only theoretical.
Medical workers also have to keep the good of the patient as the highest priority. “There may be other conflicting ‘good purposes,’ such as community welfare, conserving economic resources, supporting the criminal justice system, or simply making money for the medical worker or his employer that provide recurring challenges to physicians, but whatever the case, life has to be prioritized,” says the oath.
It adds that “they are also required to fulfil, to the best of their ability and judgment, this covenant: that they will respect the hard-won scientific gains of those physicians in whose steps they walk, and gladly share such knowledge as is theirs with those who are to follow; and that they will apply, for the benefit of the sick, all measures that are required, avoiding those twin traps of over-treatment and therapeutic nihilism.” This declaration points towards the sovereignty of human life.
Perhaps the most compelling part of the oath is that which stipulates that “medical workers are also required to remember that there is art to medicine as well as science, and that warmth, sympathy, and understanding may outweigh the surgeon’s knife or the chemist’s drug. Most especially, they are supposed to tread with care in matters of life and death. If it is given to them to save a life, all thanks.”
Maybe, this is where any strike by medical workers is always met with a great deal of criticism from the public, because the strike defeats the provision that medical workers need not to do anything that may become detrimental to the welfare of their patients.
The oath goes on to say that if they (the medical workers) do not breach these requirements by avoiding unconstructive actions, likes strikes, “they may take pleasure in life and art, respected while they live and be remembered with affection afterwards.” But if they go on strike, therefore, it is against the statements of a moral of conduct which is supposed to be used by them all, assuming the respect for all human life, even unborn.
Additionally, according to anthropologist Margaret Mead who lived between 1901 and 1979 and whose views are still held to date, there is supposed to be a complete separation between killing and curing. She points out that throughout the primitive world, he who had the power to kill also had the power to cure. He who had the power to cure would necessarily also be able to kill.
Healthcare workers were to be dedicated completely to life under all circumstances, regardless of rank, age or intellect – the life of a slave, the life of the Emperor, the life of a foreign man, the life of a defective child and the life of everyone. This excluded circumstances; if one was employed to cure, nothing would divert their responsibility. Thus, a strike would always seem impossible.
Such is the sovereignty accorded to human life, such that it may not be wrong to conclude that an industrial action, whichever form it may take and wherever it may stem from, is unethical and should not be staged by medical workers, whatever the case.
In fact, in its revised edition of the Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct, “which shall be observed, mutatis mutandis, by all medical practitioners, dentists, paramedicals and allied health professionals practicing in Malawi”, the Medical Council of Malawi points out that every practitioner shall respect all aspects of human life, and shall do all that can reasonably be done to safeguard and improve the quality of human life, and shall not do anything which may cause suffering or terminate life. Thus, strikes by medical workers seem unethical even though they may not be illegal.
If at all they have to protest, then they must undertake a non-detrimental action that at no time separates them from their patients. In fact, such an action has the power to further radicalize their struggle where the medical workers continue to take care of their patients under self-management. It can be a soul-searching experience for the employers who will not hesitate to respond to the demands of the medical workers.
Tuesday, May 08, 2012
The al-Bashir Threat: Malawi in a Dilemma
One of the developments that compelled the international community to cut aid to Malawi was our decision to let Sudan president Hassan Omar al-Bashir dine with us when we were supposed to arrest him for crimes against humanity and other criminal offences which the International Criminal Court (ICC) pressed against him about three years ago.
It seems rather strange that a country that relies heavily on aid defied the aid-givers and hosted the Sudanese president. Donors deemed Malawi as a country that has no respect for humanity by allowing the man who is alleged to have orchestrated the death of tens of thousands of innocent civilians to walk on its soil.
In essence, the ICC does not have its own military or police establishments, and it relies on its member states to arrest those it believes must be arrested. Malawi, being a member of the ICC, was asked to arrest al-Bashir if he dared come for the previous Comesa summit which we hosted.
We neither barred al-Bashir from coming, nor did we arrest him. And now, we are faced with another tricky situation. It is a situation in which three strands of options seem to have cropped up. We either bar al-Bashir from stepping on our soil – which we have already started doing by asking the AU secretariat to ask Sudan to send a high-profile representative other than the president.
Or we should arrest the Sudanese president the moment he steps his feet here. We can go a step further by informing the AU secretariat that as a country, we will not be able to host the summit if our wish to bar al-Bashir hits a blank wall.
In fact, it has turned out that barring al-Bashir from coming to Malawi seems to be problematic. The Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs is arguing that Malawi does not hold the right to stop any African head of state from attending the forthcoming summit, let alone al-Bashir. Of course, it is true that we do not have the right to bar al-Bashir from coming here, but we have the right to ask those that have the right to assist us.
The argument from the Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs seems to imply that nothing can stop al-Bashir from coming to Malawi except his own desire. It therefore necessarily follows that even if the AU secretariat feels that Malawi is justified to ask that al-Bashir be stopped from attending the summit, the Sudanese leader will still come if he so desires.
However, there is likely to be a problem if the secretariat feels that al-Bashir is free to come to Malawi. In this regard, the last decision on what should be done will rest in our hands. But, can we afford to arrest the Sudanese leader?
A decision as this is hard to make. If we arrest him, that is likely to be the beginning of untold animosity between Malawi and Sudan and chaos would seem inevitable. Sudan has one of Africa’s strongest military establishments, and if they decide to wage physical war on Malawi, that might lead to the annihilation of this central African country’s population.
There even is another repercussion waiting for us if we do not arrest al-Bashir if he comes to Malawi. The aid taps that are gradually opening will obviously close again, and that might be forever. And, an economy that is already stumbling on its knees will finally be knocked to the ground. Rebuilding it would be a daunting task that would not be easily accomplished.
The dilemma we are in seems small, but it is likely to have adverse consequences on the progress of our country if we do not tread carefully. If the option of barring al-Bashir fails to work, the option of arresting him cannot be Malawi’s favourite. Yet, still, the option of not arresting him cannot even help us.
Perhaps, the last option we are left with is to cancel the summit altogether; to inform the AU secretariat that they should seek another country that should host it. The move may seem very ridiculous considering that we had enough time to carefully decide on whether or not we should host the summit, but it may be the only undertaking that can avert all possible repercussions.
Otherwise, here we are, wallowing in terrible economic crises. And there the donors are, promising to lift us from the deep abyss of difficulties from which, for the time being, we cannot afford to rescue ourselves; and the same donors will obviously turn their backs on us if we host al-Bashir. And there al-Bashir is, the leader it seems we can neither host nor arrest.
It seems rather strange that a country that relies heavily on aid defied the aid-givers and hosted the Sudanese president. Donors deemed Malawi as a country that has no respect for humanity by allowing the man who is alleged to have orchestrated the death of tens of thousands of innocent civilians to walk on its soil.
In essence, the ICC does not have its own military or police establishments, and it relies on its member states to arrest those it believes must be arrested. Malawi, being a member of the ICC, was asked to arrest al-Bashir if he dared come for the previous Comesa summit which we hosted.
We neither barred al-Bashir from coming, nor did we arrest him. And now, we are faced with another tricky situation. It is a situation in which three strands of options seem to have cropped up. We either bar al-Bashir from stepping on our soil – which we have already started doing by asking the AU secretariat to ask Sudan to send a high-profile representative other than the president.
Or we should arrest the Sudanese president the moment he steps his feet here. We can go a step further by informing the AU secretariat that as a country, we will not be able to host the summit if our wish to bar al-Bashir hits a blank wall.
In fact, it has turned out that barring al-Bashir from coming to Malawi seems to be problematic. The Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs is arguing that Malawi does not hold the right to stop any African head of state from attending the forthcoming summit, let alone al-Bashir. Of course, it is true that we do not have the right to bar al-Bashir from coming here, but we have the right to ask those that have the right to assist us.
The argument from the Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs seems to imply that nothing can stop al-Bashir from coming to Malawi except his own desire. It therefore necessarily follows that even if the AU secretariat feels that Malawi is justified to ask that al-Bashir be stopped from attending the summit, the Sudanese leader will still come if he so desires.
However, there is likely to be a problem if the secretariat feels that al-Bashir is free to come to Malawi. In this regard, the last decision on what should be done will rest in our hands. But, can we afford to arrest the Sudanese leader?
A decision as this is hard to make. If we arrest him, that is likely to be the beginning of untold animosity between Malawi and Sudan and chaos would seem inevitable. Sudan has one of Africa’s strongest military establishments, and if they decide to wage physical war on Malawi, that might lead to the annihilation of this central African country’s population.
There even is another repercussion waiting for us if we do not arrest al-Bashir if he comes to Malawi. The aid taps that are gradually opening will obviously close again, and that might be forever. And, an economy that is already stumbling on its knees will finally be knocked to the ground. Rebuilding it would be a daunting task that would not be easily accomplished.
The dilemma we are in seems small, but it is likely to have adverse consequences on the progress of our country if we do not tread carefully. If the option of barring al-Bashir fails to work, the option of arresting him cannot be Malawi’s favourite. Yet, still, the option of not arresting him cannot even help us.
Perhaps, the last option we are left with is to cancel the summit altogether; to inform the AU secretariat that they should seek another country that should host it. The move may seem very ridiculous considering that we had enough time to carefully decide on whether or not we should host the summit, but it may be the only undertaking that can avert all possible repercussions.
Otherwise, here we are, wallowing in terrible economic crises. And there the donors are, promising to lift us from the deep abyss of difficulties from which, for the time being, we cannot afford to rescue ourselves; and the same donors will obviously turn their backs on us if we host al-Bashir. And there al-Bashir is, the leader it seems we can neither host nor arrest.
Friday, May 04, 2012
The Man Who Averted Chaos
Patriotism often means much more where one exercises it when he knows he has power to discount it. Its fruits stand the test of time where one rose above personal interests to serve a country on whose soil he was born.
Malawi Army General Henry Odillo had two significant options which would have prevented Joyce Banda from ascending to power. Thank God he was not as confused as those Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislators who want us to believe their illegal meetings were decided out of confusion.
If he were to choose, first, Odillo would have liaised with the DPP officials so that at least one of them would become Malawi’s president following the death of Bingu wa Mutharika. He had another option on his hands: he would have gone a step further to direct that Malawi should be under military rule as ‘proper arrangements’ are being made about when we should have the next presidential election.
But Odillo did exactly what the constitution of Malawi stipulates. Or, he did not attempt to do what he was not supposed to. The first vice president is supposed to occupy the office of the state president the moment the president gets incapacitated or dies. The VP then was Joyce Banda, and she was legally bound to ascend to power.
Odillo quickly organized his boys to offer JB the required security for he pretty sure knew that she would be his next boss. That is the point chaos was averted. He laid aside the conviction that Bingu is the one who put him on the top-most seat of the Malawi Defence Force, and decided to exhibit the greatest level of professionalism.
He could have easily supported Peter Mutharika’s ascendancy to power, but he knew that that would create chaos in Malawi. Matter-of-factly, he knew that that would mean contravening the provisions of the constitution. Yet, if he must, he would have really contravened them. Only that he is a professional army officer who – or so it seems – does not subscribe to any party’s ideologies.
Now, let us look at the nature of the chaos that was averted. The two options that Odillo had would certainly lead to disorder in Malawi, and that goes beyond any reasonably doubt.
If he allowed the DPP to go ahead and circumvent the constitution, the public outcry against such a development would surely lead to nationwide protests. By 5 April, it was common knowledge that the Mutharika administration had lost its popularity and credibility, and people were eagerly waiting for the day they would thrust the DPP onto the opposition benches in Parliament. Fate quickly came in and intervened.
From the people’s dissatisfaction with the DPP administration, it is clear that any move to prevent any sort of necessary relief from taking place would be seriously contested. That is where chaos would erupt. In fact, the civil society would quickly come in to mobilise Malawians so as to protest against an administration that had been created illegally. I bet these demonstrations would have been more adverse than those of 20 July.
In the case of the other option that Odillo had, chaos would still erupt. If the army got charge of Malawi, there is no guarantee that people would keep quiet, especially considering the fact that the constitution is very clear on what should be done if a sitting president dies.
Even if Malawians would gradually be driven into submission by the army, it is very probable that the international community would intervene. Take this instance: as early as 6 April, the US government informed the world that it was keenly monitoring the situation in Malawi. They even advised us to let the constitution be applied in its entirety regarding who should succeed Mutharika.
If anything were to be done against the provisions of the constitution, the US and other countries that were monitoring the situation, would have immediately come in. Now, if the illegal administration resisted, perhaps military interventions would have been sanctioned on Malawi. That would be the kind of chaos from which it would take forever for the country to recover.
But, thank God, Odillo sided with JB when Malawi needed that most. He is the man who has shown what it means to be patriotic. He is eager to protect his country at all times, and defend government only when it deserves it.
Malawi Army General Henry Odillo had two significant options which would have prevented Joyce Banda from ascending to power. Thank God he was not as confused as those Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislators who want us to believe their illegal meetings were decided out of confusion.
If he were to choose, first, Odillo would have liaised with the DPP officials so that at least one of them would become Malawi’s president following the death of Bingu wa Mutharika. He had another option on his hands: he would have gone a step further to direct that Malawi should be under military rule as ‘proper arrangements’ are being made about when we should have the next presidential election.
But Odillo did exactly what the constitution of Malawi stipulates. Or, he did not attempt to do what he was not supposed to. The first vice president is supposed to occupy the office of the state president the moment the president gets incapacitated or dies. The VP then was Joyce Banda, and she was legally bound to ascend to power.
Odillo quickly organized his boys to offer JB the required security for he pretty sure knew that she would be his next boss. That is the point chaos was averted. He laid aside the conviction that Bingu is the one who put him on the top-most seat of the Malawi Defence Force, and decided to exhibit the greatest level of professionalism.
He could have easily supported Peter Mutharika’s ascendancy to power, but he knew that that would create chaos in Malawi. Matter-of-factly, he knew that that would mean contravening the provisions of the constitution. Yet, if he must, he would have really contravened them. Only that he is a professional army officer who – or so it seems – does not subscribe to any party’s ideologies.
Now, let us look at the nature of the chaos that was averted. The two options that Odillo had would certainly lead to disorder in Malawi, and that goes beyond any reasonably doubt.
If he allowed the DPP to go ahead and circumvent the constitution, the public outcry against such a development would surely lead to nationwide protests. By 5 April, it was common knowledge that the Mutharika administration had lost its popularity and credibility, and people were eagerly waiting for the day they would thrust the DPP onto the opposition benches in Parliament. Fate quickly came in and intervened.
From the people’s dissatisfaction with the DPP administration, it is clear that any move to prevent any sort of necessary relief from taking place would be seriously contested. That is where chaos would erupt. In fact, the civil society would quickly come in to mobilise Malawians so as to protest against an administration that had been created illegally. I bet these demonstrations would have been more adverse than those of 20 July.
In the case of the other option that Odillo had, chaos would still erupt. If the army got charge of Malawi, there is no guarantee that people would keep quiet, especially considering the fact that the constitution is very clear on what should be done if a sitting president dies.
Even if Malawians would gradually be driven into submission by the army, it is very probable that the international community would intervene. Take this instance: as early as 6 April, the US government informed the world that it was keenly monitoring the situation in Malawi. They even advised us to let the constitution be applied in its entirety regarding who should succeed Mutharika.
If anything were to be done against the provisions of the constitution, the US and other countries that were monitoring the situation, would have immediately come in. Now, if the illegal administration resisted, perhaps military interventions would have been sanctioned on Malawi. That would be the kind of chaos from which it would take forever for the country to recover.
But, thank God, Odillo sided with JB when Malawi needed that most. He is the man who has shown what it means to be patriotic. He is eager to protect his country at all times, and defend government only when it deserves it.
Friday, April 13, 2012
The Day We Went To War
War is often fought with guns, explosives and blades. And sometimes with words. There even is war that is fought with sticks and fists, and that is the war we fought on April 6 in Mwanza. The ironic part of it all is that when we were supposed to run and seek havens of peace somewhere else, we stood still as we were being beaten to a pulp by those who are employed to protect us.
We had nowhere to run to; our vehicle was packed near the police station, it had to go through the police checkpoint, and above all, we were being beaten by police officers who said they were only undertaking an act of revenge.
Rumour was everywhere that president Bingu wa Mutharika had died, but the absence of any official communication from government officials meant it was no mourning period. Thus, the match against Mwanza Eagles had to go on; there was no need for postponement.
Around 10 am we started off from our base, Chancellor College, in Zomba, with high expectations that we were going to Mwanza to play football. It had never dawned in our minds that we were going to war. In fact, we were safe in the assumption that security would be there since we were to play against a police team. But, we had our wishes miscalculated: football would be played; war would be fought too.
Mwanza Eagles had already visited us at our Chirunga Stadium, and that is the day the war began. I was told by a colleague that some Chanco fans pelted stones at the referee, but that was all, and nobody was injured. Even the report which was sent by the referee to football authorities never indicated that someone had been injured at Chirunga Stadium.
Now, Mwanza Eagles and its overzealous fans were set to exact sweet revenge on the visitors who had given them a tough time in Zomba. After reaching the Mwanza police roadblock – which is planted at the police station – I could already observe that things were not what we imagined they would be.
“Oh, so you are finally here. This is the day we have been waiting for,” said a police officer who opened the roadblock gate for our 32-seater coaster. His face told a complete story of a man who would strive with every fibre of his being to make sure we were punished.
We disembarked from the minibus at a filling station that stood about two hundred meters away from the police station. As the players dressed, and some Chanco fans disappeared into the market, I decided to go to the pitch which is only about 150 metres from the police station.
“They are finally here, and they must know that they have not come here to play football; they have come here to fight a war,” I overheard one man say as I walked around the pitch to inspect it. He was in civilian clothes, but I later learnt that he was a police officer.
Then onto the scene appeared another officer who was in his uniform. Noting that I was one of the students from the Zomba-based college, he tried his best to ensure I knew they were set for revenge. “You were clever in Zomba; let’s see if you will be clever here again. We don’t care whether we will lose the game or not; all we care about is to teach to a lesson you will live to remember,” he said, attracting a resounding applause from his colleagues. That is when I realized Malawi needed a more reformed police service.
The first half of the game was punctuated by myriad verbal attacks from the police officers and other Eagles fans directed at Chanco fans and even players. They kept informing us that we should be ready for any attack as the game approached the end. Even the referee himself together with his linesmen seemed to lose touch with reality. The police team scored a goal from a clear offside position, but no one could protest because we knew that we were not there to play football, but to fight a war.
With about twenty minutes remaining, the police officers and their supporters decided to do what they had all along been preparing for. In the twinkling of the eye, they descended on every Chanco student who was within their reach. While the game was being played on the pitch, war was being fought outside. The officers even attacked some women who were rebuking them for being such unprofessional.
A friend of mine was persistently beaten with a huge piece of bamboo which left a deep cut on his cheek. Others too were injured. We rushed to the hospital this fellow who had been terribly wounded, after getting a police report. He was properly treated, but is still nursing the deep cut he sustained on his cheek.
There were some two female police officers who felt sorry for the injured student and decided to accompany him to the hospital on a police car. But, while the boy was being taken to hospital, some topless male police officers stormed the station, baying for more blood of the students. They even threatened to break the window panes of our minibus. All this was happening at the police station, a place I should believe should be the epitome of order.
In fact, earlier on, before the match had started, our driver decided to pack the minibus within the police station’s fence, but he was shocked to see a police officer lock the gate with handcuffs the moment the vehicle got in.
“I asked him why he was doing this and he didn’t answer. I then realized he wanted us to have nowhere to run to the moment they began to fight us,” said the driver, adding that he then told the officer that he wanted to take the coaster somewhere. He too had realised that there was a war to be fought.
Above all, one thing that we learn on this year’s Good Friday is that there are moments which cannot be predicted. There are wars which we may not be prepared to fight, yet they are wars we must fight anyway. But, when it is the police that are fighting the very same people they are supposed to protect, one wonders how citizens’ security can be guaranteed.
We had nowhere to run to; our vehicle was packed near the police station, it had to go through the police checkpoint, and above all, we were being beaten by police officers who said they were only undertaking an act of revenge.
Rumour was everywhere that president Bingu wa Mutharika had died, but the absence of any official communication from government officials meant it was no mourning period. Thus, the match against Mwanza Eagles had to go on; there was no need for postponement.
Around 10 am we started off from our base, Chancellor College, in Zomba, with high expectations that we were going to Mwanza to play football. It had never dawned in our minds that we were going to war. In fact, we were safe in the assumption that security would be there since we were to play against a police team. But, we had our wishes miscalculated: football would be played; war would be fought too.
Mwanza Eagles had already visited us at our Chirunga Stadium, and that is the day the war began. I was told by a colleague that some Chanco fans pelted stones at the referee, but that was all, and nobody was injured. Even the report which was sent by the referee to football authorities never indicated that someone had been injured at Chirunga Stadium.
Now, Mwanza Eagles and its overzealous fans were set to exact sweet revenge on the visitors who had given them a tough time in Zomba. After reaching the Mwanza police roadblock – which is planted at the police station – I could already observe that things were not what we imagined they would be.
“Oh, so you are finally here. This is the day we have been waiting for,” said a police officer who opened the roadblock gate for our 32-seater coaster. His face told a complete story of a man who would strive with every fibre of his being to make sure we were punished.
We disembarked from the minibus at a filling station that stood about two hundred meters away from the police station. As the players dressed, and some Chanco fans disappeared into the market, I decided to go to the pitch which is only about 150 metres from the police station.
“They are finally here, and they must know that they have not come here to play football; they have come here to fight a war,” I overheard one man say as I walked around the pitch to inspect it. He was in civilian clothes, but I later learnt that he was a police officer.
Then onto the scene appeared another officer who was in his uniform. Noting that I was one of the students from the Zomba-based college, he tried his best to ensure I knew they were set for revenge. “You were clever in Zomba; let’s see if you will be clever here again. We don’t care whether we will lose the game or not; all we care about is to teach to a lesson you will live to remember,” he said, attracting a resounding applause from his colleagues. That is when I realized Malawi needed a more reformed police service.
The first half of the game was punctuated by myriad verbal attacks from the police officers and other Eagles fans directed at Chanco fans and even players. They kept informing us that we should be ready for any attack as the game approached the end. Even the referee himself together with his linesmen seemed to lose touch with reality. The police team scored a goal from a clear offside position, but no one could protest because we knew that we were not there to play football, but to fight a war.
With about twenty minutes remaining, the police officers and their supporters decided to do what they had all along been preparing for. In the twinkling of the eye, they descended on every Chanco student who was within their reach. While the game was being played on the pitch, war was being fought outside. The officers even attacked some women who were rebuking them for being such unprofessional.
A friend of mine was persistently beaten with a huge piece of bamboo which left a deep cut on his cheek. Others too were injured. We rushed to the hospital this fellow who had been terribly wounded, after getting a police report. He was properly treated, but is still nursing the deep cut he sustained on his cheek.
There were some two female police officers who felt sorry for the injured student and decided to accompany him to the hospital on a police car. But, while the boy was being taken to hospital, some topless male police officers stormed the station, baying for more blood of the students. They even threatened to break the window panes of our minibus. All this was happening at the police station, a place I should believe should be the epitome of order.
In fact, earlier on, before the match had started, our driver decided to pack the minibus within the police station’s fence, but he was shocked to see a police officer lock the gate with handcuffs the moment the vehicle got in.
“I asked him why he was doing this and he didn’t answer. I then realized he wanted us to have nowhere to run to the moment they began to fight us,” said the driver, adding that he then told the officer that he wanted to take the coaster somewhere. He too had realised that there was a war to be fought.
Above all, one thing that we learn on this year’s Good Friday is that there are moments which cannot be predicted. There are wars which we may not be prepared to fight, yet they are wars we must fight anyway. But, when it is the police that are fighting the very same people they are supposed to protect, one wonders how citizens’ security can be guaranteed.
Friday, January 06, 2012
Life Is Rotten At The Core
Well, life is an unpredictable progress where we are not sure of what will happen tomorrow. Death is perfect evidence that our mission on earth is now over, for if we are still living, we must wait to accomplish a task. I am here today, and tomorrow I may be no more; but what matters is someone should see me as someone who has lived long enough.
In the midst of time, my frustration is that I had a task I never tackled diligently. Yet, if I must die today, I should hope there was no hope I would ever fulfill the task. We fought many fights together: we fought tribal segregation; we fought corruption; we fought neocolonialism; we fought all those battles which may be hidden in the mist of time now. Even though we haven’t seen our victory, we should thank God, we did something, for if we slumbered forever and let posterity be choked by those whose days are numbered, my soul would never rest in peace.
There is a strong reason I believe life is really rotten at the core. After numerous struggles; after persistent fights for freedom, it is ironic that one must depart when the flowers haven’t even blossomed.
I must acknowledge that death is a tragedy, but only for the living, for we are yet to find out what really happens beyond the veil. We are yet to get a sniff of life in the other side. But, we must be cautious that we should have hope of thriving even beyond this life.
People say many nice things about the departed – that seems a traditional convention. As for me, as people gather to escort me to the most durable house, my plea is that if you are there to praise me, maybe it would please my soul if you kept quiet, for I know I have erred a lot and my hope has only been in the divine grace of the Lord. Say nothing at my funeral, for it won’t change my destiny.
I have spoken to people; I have written resistance essays, but I haven’t thought of writing why I must die. I believe that as death is the final point of life towards which every one of us walks, I shouldn’t waste my time thinking about it anymore. We rarely discuss the theme of death in our affairs, yet ironically, it tends to be a very prevalent one. We choose to let death and its grim images go the other way, but that doesn’t really change its effects, neither does it defeat it.
Life is rotten at the core because at best, life is brief. When we decide to rest and enjoy a little fraction of our life, death often strikes. That is why life is rotten at the core. At the very centre of life, where its meaning must be derived, life is completely rotten. It is full of tragedy; it rarely conforms to the predictable precepts of our decisions.
Well, life is good; life gives precious experiences of what death can’t, and therefore life must be celebrated ever after. Life must be accorded its deserved crown when it ends; when death becomes the ultimate loser in life’s activities. But, because life sometimes fails to be easily given to our desires, it is indeed rotten at the core.
In the midst of time, my frustration is that I had a task I never tackled diligently. Yet, if I must die today, I should hope there was no hope I would ever fulfill the task. We fought many fights together: we fought tribal segregation; we fought corruption; we fought neocolonialism; we fought all those battles which may be hidden in the mist of time now. Even though we haven’t seen our victory, we should thank God, we did something, for if we slumbered forever and let posterity be choked by those whose days are numbered, my soul would never rest in peace.
There is a strong reason I believe life is really rotten at the core. After numerous struggles; after persistent fights for freedom, it is ironic that one must depart when the flowers haven’t even blossomed.
I must acknowledge that death is a tragedy, but only for the living, for we are yet to find out what really happens beyond the veil. We are yet to get a sniff of life in the other side. But, we must be cautious that we should have hope of thriving even beyond this life.
People say many nice things about the departed – that seems a traditional convention. As for me, as people gather to escort me to the most durable house, my plea is that if you are there to praise me, maybe it would please my soul if you kept quiet, for I know I have erred a lot and my hope has only been in the divine grace of the Lord. Say nothing at my funeral, for it won’t change my destiny.
I have spoken to people; I have written resistance essays, but I haven’t thought of writing why I must die. I believe that as death is the final point of life towards which every one of us walks, I shouldn’t waste my time thinking about it anymore. We rarely discuss the theme of death in our affairs, yet ironically, it tends to be a very prevalent one. We choose to let death and its grim images go the other way, but that doesn’t really change its effects, neither does it defeat it.
Life is rotten at the core because at best, life is brief. When we decide to rest and enjoy a little fraction of our life, death often strikes. That is why life is rotten at the core. At the very centre of life, where its meaning must be derived, life is completely rotten. It is full of tragedy; it rarely conforms to the predictable precepts of our decisions.
Well, life is good; life gives precious experiences of what death can’t, and therefore life must be celebrated ever after. Life must be accorded its deserved crown when it ends; when death becomes the ultimate loser in life’s activities. But, because life sometimes fails to be easily given to our desires, it is indeed rotten at the core.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)